RUMSFELD AND HUSSEIN |
As America's stand-in during the Iran-Iraq War, Iraq lost approximately 300,000 military personnel and suffered an unknown number of civilian casualties. Despite 8 years of fighting, the regime of Ayatollah Khomeini remained in power in Iran.
By 1990, Sadam imperiled Middle East stability with his invasion of Kuwait, and, in the process, vacated his role as American lackey. The rest is a history that we know only too well, 2 gulf wars, the death of Sadam, and a mind boggling cost for the American taxpayer that is expected to hit $1.9 trillion.
And, in asking what we have gained by the expenditure of blood and treasure in Iraq, most would be dumbfounded to come up with a rationale for our misguided venture. Iraq seems to be perpetually on the verge of civil war between Sunnis and Shias, Iran has been given an unprecedented opportunity to extend its influence into Iraq, and the Iraqi people will never show any gratitude for America's sacrifice. Hopefully, something was learned about ill-advised schemes for "nation-building," but, from all appearances, it seems doubtful.
In the civil war now raging in Syria, it is clear that it is not the "good guys" versus the "bad guys." Bashar al-Assad inherited a brutal dictatorship from his deceased father, who was known for the wholesale slaughter of his political opponents. Rather than to adjust his political course toward moderation, the younger Assad has shown himself to be a chip off the old block. Furthermore, the Assad regime is dominated by Alawites, whose offshoot version of Shia "Twelver" Islam accounts for no more than 14% of the Syrian population. If Assad were ousted by the rebels, there would likely be a bloodbath in store for the Alawites. This insures that Assad and his followers will do virtually whatever it takes to maintain their power.
SYRIAN REBEL CANNIBAL EATS VANQUISHED FOE'S HEART |
Compared to its neighbors, Syria is small geographically; and the Syrian population is essentially centered around two cities, Damascus and Aleppo. Thus far, the Assad regime has tightened its control over those regions; and, as seems likely, it will continue to do so. Any intervention with "boots on the ground" must consider this reality and what it means for what could be a long-term military presence, which would be a very unpopular move from the standpoint of American taxpayers. Most polls on the subject in the U.S. indicate that Americans overwhelmingly do not favor American involvement in Syria.
Concerning those who have made foreign policy for this country in the current administration and the disasters which have followed in Egypt and Libya, their involvement in policy making that would have an impact on Syria cannot inspire confidence. It was not long ago that General James Clapper, the incompetent director of National Intelligence, was proclaiming that the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt was a "moderate secular group." And, as for revelations concerning Libya and Benghazi, much more will likely unfold.
At a time when we are "sequestering" our armed forces, it appears nonsensical to contemplate a Syrian intervention, especially with a history of long-running conflicts that have cost far more than originally envisaged by the government. Even "leading from behind" in Libya ran a tab that went well beyond original projections. Past experience has shown that nation-building has a multitude of hidden costs. Furthermore, the Obama administration's vacillation in arriving at a determined course of action has not won the U.S. many friends and supporters in Syria. While Obama has dithered, 1000's more have died.
Syria's oil production is tapering off. From a figure of 650,000 barrels produced per day in the 1990s, production has plunged to 350,000 barrels per day in the 21st century. At present, rebel forces and the Syrian army, jockeying over control of oil fields in the northeast sector of the country, have caused environmental nightmares in the form open-air, makeshift refineries, which have been resorted to in al-Raqqa province. If mega-producers Saudi Arabia and Kuwait were to curtail shipments to Syria, that in itself would have a devastating effect on the Assad regime.
The fate of religious minorities in the Middle East should have taught us something, and this is especially true when we consider what happened to the Christian minority of 1.5 million in Iraq. Say what you will about Sadam, his dictatorial regime did not allow Muslim indignities to be visited upon Christians. The American invasion, though, opened a Pandora's box of Muslim pogroms, to the extent that barely 100,000 Christians remain today.
ORTHODOX SYRIAN PRIESTS AT PRO-ASSAD EVENT |
SYRIAN MUSLIM REBEL MURDERS SYRIAN CHRISTIAN |
The Muslim mind, as represented in the rebel forces in Syria, is very much a 15th century mind, and it is worth remembering this when considering the Islamic calendar and the attitudes and actions engendered by by such a timeline. The odds are very strong that rebel forces coming to power with American assistance would spell another Middle East disaster for American foreign policy. Ill-informed individuals, such as Senator McCain of Arizona and Senator Graham of South Carolina, seem unaware of this, and show themselves badly in need of remediation in the history of the Middle East.
A surgical air strike against Syrian chemical weapons sites, in concert with the U.K. and France, would appear to be the most viable option for involvement at this point, and would at least avoid direct intervention. And, even that, is fraught with enormous risks of further fanning the flame of civil war into regional conflict..
In any case, the old adage that those who do not know or remember history are condemned to repeat it bears reiterating. There is much at stake in Syria, including the survival of Syria's Christians. And, with their past failures, those who make America's foreign policy have much to lose. From this quarter, dear readers, the U.S. has nothing to gain from direct intervention.
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